Japan isn’t legally allowed to have a military, but Japan has a military.

Let’s break that statement down. Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan bans war as a means of settling international disputes. It also outlaws the maintenance of a military. However, former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe proposed to amend Article 9 to explicitly allow the Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) to exist.

The Abe Era: Debating Constitutional Change

The amendment debate has long plagued the Diet and civic discourses. During Abe’s time as PM, he called for the Diet to discuss constitutional amendments. This was a prominent policy issue for the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), of which he was president. This was for the House of Councillors election which launched later that month.

The LDP and its allies failed to maintain a two-thirds majority in the Upper House, so Abe couldn’t introduce a referendum to revise the postwar constitution. This was to the chagrin of nationalists in legislative chambers, internet threads and uyoku dantai (ultranationalist far-right) groups.

What’s more, a Kyodo news survey showed that the majority of people in Japan opposed revision. So although the chances of an amendment are slim, Abe might have been right about one thing. He argued that JSDF is already so active that a constitutional amendment wouldn’t really change anything. 

Historical Context Behind Japan’s Military Presence

Rewind to 1950: the Korean War is underway, Americans are occupying Japan and they’re afraid of Chinese and Soviet communist forces in Korea. Occupation forces and the Japanese government revised the postwar constitution to allow self-defensive military action, establishing the JSDF.

Under a new security treaty between the U.S. and Japan, the latter pursues partial rearmament. Japan’s armed forces technically haven’t lifted a finger in aggression ever since, but they still exist, and with vigor.

After the Cold War, Japan, whose military capacity extended to self-defense only, ceased to be a part of the U.S. anti-Soviet strategy. During the 1991 Persian Gulf crisis, the country faced criticism for contributing money rather than troops; the “Gulf shock” produced a sense of failure among Japanese lawmakers. This led to the International Peace Cooperation Law of 1992, which allowed the SDF to participate in United Nations peacekeeping operations in “noncombat” areas.

North Korean missile testing and the sarin gas attacks also contributed to increased military capacity — more peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction operations, greater missile defense and disaster relief capabilities.

In fact, disaster relief efforts after the Great Hanshin earthquake in 1995 and the Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011 won praise from a pacifist public previously hostile to the military. 

Modern-Day Roles

The SDF readily responds to natural disasters in Japan and abroad and participates in overseas missions. Considering China’s island-building effort in disputed waters, North Korea’s nuclear appetites and the American military presence in Japan— maintaining an army makes sense.

Consider its recent undertakings. The sending of a submarine and destroyer to the South China Sea, a joint operations plan with the U.S. to defend the Senkakus/Diaoyus. Additionally, the expansion of SDF units and facilities in the southwest islands.

Still, the Japanese military isn’t allowed to act as solitary aggressors. Not only do the SDF worship international law, but they abstain from using offensive weapons. These can range from long-range ballistic missiles to bombers and aircraft carriers. Manpower is low. When they do exercise military power, it’s defensive and bilateral (in cooperation with the U.S.).

Regardless, as Japan enters the Reiwa era, the country seeks to become a leader in international security. Still, history shapes its military presence today.

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